Words That Men Live By

Pres. Herbert Hoover (1935)

SAN DIEGO, Calif., Sept. 17, 1935 – From this city far from the political turmoil of Washington, Herbert Hoover today reminded this country of which he so recently was President that the Bill of Rights – the first ten amendments to the Constitution – exists today as a greater force for freedom than ever before. No exigencies of emergency, he said, can nullify them.

Mr. Hoover, who has spoken in public little since his overwhelming defeat in the 1932 election for reasons far beyond the control either of himself or of his party, spoke no word of criticism of the Roosevelt Administration. He refrained from comment on the fact that throughout the last two years he has never been invited to a conference by his successor. Rather, speaking as a student and humanitarian with notable achievements to his credit prior to entry into politics, he gave new illumination to the meaning of the Constitution and the Bill of Rights embedded in it.

Our Constitution is not alone the working plan of a great Federation of States under representative government. There is embedded in it also the vital principles of the American system of liberty. That system is based upon certain inalienable freedoms and protections which not even the government may infringe and which we call the Bill of Rights. It does not require a lawyer to interpret those provisions. They are as clear as the Ten Commandments. Among others the freedom of worship, freedom of speech and of the press, the right of peaceable assembly, equality before the law, just trial for crime, freedom from unreasonable search, and security from being deprived of life, liberty, or property without due process of law, are the principles which distinguish our civilization. Herein are the invisible sentinels which guard the door of every home from invasion of coercion, of intimidation and fear. Herein is the expression of the spirit of men who would be forever free.

These rights were no sudden discovery, no over-night inspiration. They were established by centuries of struggle in which men died fighting bitterly for their recognition. Their beginnings lie in the Magna Charta of Runny-mede five hundred and seventy years before the Constitution was written Down through the centuries the Habeas Corpus, the “Petition of Rights,” the “Declaration of Rights,” the growth of the fundamental maxims of the Common Law, marked their expansion and security. Our forefathers migrated to America that they might attain them more fully. When they wrote the Declaration of Independence they boldly extended these rights. Before the Constitution could be ratified patriotic men who feared a return to tyranny, whose chains had been thrown off only after years of toil and bloody war, insisted that these hard-won rights should be incorporated in black and white within the Constitution – and so came the American Bill of Rights.

In the hurricane of revolutions which have swept the world since the Great War, men, struggling with the wreckage and poverty of that great catastrophe and the complications of the machine age, are in despair surrendering their freedom for false promises of economic security. Whether it be Fascist Italy, Nazi Germany, Communist Russia, or their lesser followers, the result is the same. Every day they repudiate every principle of the Bill of Rights. Freedom of worship is denied. Freedom of speech is suppressed. The press is censored and distorted with propaganda. The right of criticism is denied. Men go to jail or the gallows for honest opinions. They may not assemble for discussion. They speak of public affairs only in whispers. They are subject to search and seizure by spies and inquisitors who haunt the land. The safeguards of justice in trial or imprisonment are set aside. There is no right in one’s savings or one’s own home which the government need respect.

Here is a form of servitude, of slavery – a slipping back toward the Middle Ages...

Even in America, where liberty blazed brightest and by its glow shed light on all the other, it is besieged from without and challenged from within. Many, in honest belief, hold that we cannot longer accommodate the growth of science, technology and mechanical power to the Bill of Rights and our form of government. With that I do not agree. Men’s inventions cannot be of more value than men themselves. But it would be better that we sacrifice something of economic efficiency than to surrender these primary liberties. In them lies a spiritual right of men. Behind them is the conception which is the highest development of the Christian faith – the conception of individual freedom with brotherhood. From them is the fullest flowering of individual human personality.

Nor is respect for the Bill of Rights o fetter upon progress. It has been no dead hand that has carried the living principles and their safeguards we have amended the Constitution many times in the past century to meet the problems of growing civilization. We will no doubt do so many times again. Always groups of audacious men in government or out will attempt to consolidate privilege against their fellows. New inventions and new ideas require the constant remolding of our civilization. The functions of government must be readjusted from time to time to restrain the strong and protect the weak. That is the preservation of liberty itself. We ofttimes interpret some provisions of the Bill of Rights so that they override others. They indeed jostle each other in course of changing national life – but their respective domains can be defined by virtue, by reason, and by law. And the freedom of men is not possible without virtue, reason and law.

~ Postlogue ~
The voice of Herbert Hoover sounded in a very low key indeed at this time, but he never made a speech with the idea of winning a popularity poll.

As the years went by, it became more and more evident that the 31st President had many facets that had been submerged during his trying four years in the White House.

Before that time he had been an engineer of worldwide repute and success, the director of the massive famine-relief operation in Russia after World War I, and later Director General of relief work in Belgium.

For eight years his work as Secretary of Commerce was distinguished.

Aside from all this past, upon which he now turned his back, Herbert Hoover was beginning in 1935 to forge a future as “elder statesman,” writer and student that would enhance his prestige progressively up to the time of this writing.